Case as an uninterpretable feature

Abstract

The aim of this dissertation is to discuss the syntactic properties of nominals in Turkish, their Case properties and the implications of a theory of grammar in which the dislocation of arguments is not motivated by the Extended Projection Principle (EPP), but by structural Case checking. It is proposed that Turkish referential nominals possess a Determiner Phrase (DP) layer where Dº assigns referentiality to the nominal. DP in turn is argued to select a Number Phrase (NumP)/Classifer Phrase (ClP) both subcategorizing for an NP. Non-referential nominals are argued to be bare NPs without the functional categories that referential nominals bear, which accounts for the fact that they behave in a different manner than DPs. It is argued that DPs undergo dislocation from their basegenerated positions to Spec positions of higher functional heads with which they form a A- Agree relation, whereas NPs remain in their merge positions. Moreover, NPs and DPs are also argued to behave differently in their Case properties. NPs bear weak Case feature and they undergo adhesion to the verb to be licensed; whereas DPs bear strong Case feature. It is argued that the analysis where dislocation is motivated by the EPP feature of the functional heads faces several economy problems. This study claims that it is the strong Case feature of nominals which forces them to undergo dislocation.