Valence and saturation phonology

Abstract

I propose a theory of phonology which aims to derive the entire system from one principle, viz. asymmetry, in a non-stipulative way (cf. Di Sciullo, 2005; Dresher and van der Hulst, 1998; Kayne, 1994). Segmental components (features, elements, etc) as commonly employed are unequal in their contribution to phonotactic strength and their role in phonological interactions. Existing theories assume acoustic/articulatory components which stand in no inherent hierarchical relation to one another. They cope with attested asymmetries by arranging these components into feature-geometric nodes (Clements, 1985) or by assigning properties like charm (Kaye et al., 1990). Such arrangement is stipulative since it does not follow from the components themselves. I argue that the architecture of phonology is derivable from dependency relations and these are in turn derivable from the asymmetry principle. I assign place properties to the phonological head (similar to morphological compounds), manner properties within the projection of that head (similar to syntactic phrases), and analyse laryngeal properties, as well as nasality, as operations on existing configurations (similar to case assignment in syntax). Some of the predictions of these representations are the correlation between labiality and voicing (for example cf. Ohala, 2005), phonotactic limitations on consonant clusters, place assimilation phenomena and the special properties of sibilants and laterals. I argue that the asymmetry principle yields not only the system of phonology but what I think of as the core of syntax, argument structure, as well.